Written By: Naransuvd Bazarsad
Edited By: Purbi Bajracharya
The reincarnation of Khalkha Jebtsundamba Khutuktu of Mongolia throwing a tooth-stick as part of the Preliminary Procedures for the Chakrasamvara Empowerment at the Tsuglagkhang in Dharamsala, HP, India on March 8, 2023.(Photo by Tenzin Choejer)
The Dalai Lama’s designation of the next Jebtsundamba Khutughtu earlier this year has made significant headlines in the world of Tibetan-buddhism. Buddhist teachings on reincarnation are an inherent part of the religion. Reincarnation, or rebirth, is a concept that emphasizes the continuity of life and the idea that individuals are born into new lives after death. Thus, it is no surprise that the third highest spiritual leader in Tibetan-Buddhism, Jebtsundamba Khutuktu has carried on the tradition of reincarnation for generations on end.
However, the reincarnation of the lines of Jebtsundamba Khutughtu and Dalai Lama have a historically significant impact on the geopolitics of Mongolia and China. The spiritual and religious leadership of the two have also had significant political influences since the Qing Empire, leading the path for governance until the 20th century.
During the Qing Dynasty (1644-1912), China exerted significant control over Mongolia and recognized the Jebtsundamba Khutughtu as the religious and political leader of the region. The Qing government granted the title of Jebtsundamba Khutughtu to the third Dalai Lama, Sonam Gyatso in the late 16th century. This practice continued and the subsequent Jebtsundamba Khutughtu were considered to be spiritual and political representatives of the Qing emperor in Mongolia.
“Great Khan of Outer Mongolia”
The 8th Jebtsundamba Khughtu, known as the Bogd Khan. (Painting by Marzan Sharav)
After the fall of the Qing Dynasty, Mongolia declared independence from China in 1911. However, Mongolia's independence was short-lived as it fell under Chinese control again in 1919 and remained part of China until 1921. During this period, the Jebtsundamba Khutughtu's role was diminished and Mongolia faced political and cultural suppression under Chinese rule. In 1921 with the help of the Soviet Union, Mongolia was able to gain independence from China again. The Jebtsundamba Khutughtu continued to play a central role in Mongolian Buddhism, and their influence was restored. However, the relationship between China and Mongolia remained complicated.
The Communist Party came to power in Mongolia in 1924, implementing policies to reduce the influence of religion including Buddhism. The Jebtsundamba Khutughtu's authority was further diminished and religious institutions in Mongolia faced restrictions. This trend continued throughout the following decades with Mongolia adopting a more secular stance and distancing itself from its religious past.
In the 1990s, Mongolia transitioned to a democratic system with a resurgence of interest in Buddhism and Mongolian culture. The Jebtsundamba Khutughtu was able to gain some prominence as a religious figure but their political influence remained limited. However, the influence and importance of Buddhist spiritual leaders remained a huge part of Mongolia’s
culture and society.
China’s influence and hegemony on Mongolia is undoubtedly huge, as Mongolia’s economy is reliant on its economic and diplomatic ties with China. The dynamic between Sino-Mongolian relations has been fundamental in the development of Mongolia since the 1990s. However, the religious affiliation with the Dalai Lama and the influence of Tibetan-buddhism has threatened to strain diplomatic relations between the two countries.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has had a complex and evolving relationship with religion since its establishment in 1921. Initially, during the early years of the CCP, the party held a strong atheistic ideology and viewed religion as a tool of the bourgeoisie and imperialists that perpetuated superstitions that hindered societal progress. Over the years CCP has adopted a more pragmatic approach as it seeks to regulate and manage religious affairs within a framework of state control. Moreover, the CCP’s relations with the Dalai Lama over the autonomy of Tibet have added more strain to their stance on religious affairs.
Over the years, the Dalai Lama has consistently advocated for greater autonomy of Tibet within China rather than complete independence from China. He has proposed a "Middle Way" approach; a meaningful self-governance and the protection of Tibetan culture, language, and religion while still remaining a part of China. However, the Chinese government has rejected these proposals, viewing them as disguised demands for independence. They have implemented policies to suppress Tibetan culture, restrict religious freedom, and exert greater control over Tibetan institutions. They have also sought to undermine the Dalai Lama's influence and legitimacy by promoting their own selection of Panchen Lama, the second-highest figure in Tibetan Buddhism. In 2007, the PRC State Administration for Religious Affairs issued “Order Number Five” that entails that the reincarnation of Buddhist leaders could only be determined by the PRC and “shall not be interfered with or be under the dominion of any foreign organization or individual.”
The Dalai Lama walking to Gandan Assembly Hall at Gandan Tegchenling Monastery in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia on November 19, 2016. (Photo by Tenzin Taklha/OHHDL)
Consequently, the appointment of Jebtsundamba Khutuktu by the Dalai Lama has had dramatic reactions on the side of the Chinese government. This is not the first time where the Dalai Lama’s religious affairs had put a strain on Sino-Mongolian relations. In 2016, a visit to Mongolia by the Dalai Lama faced strong opposition by the Chinese government. Despite the opposition, the visit was still carried out. However, this ultimately resulted in temporary border closure and postponement of bilateral meetings between the two countries.
The Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, second in rank as spiritual leader, pictured in Tibet in 1954.
(Photo by Hulton Archive/Getty Images)
Thus, it is no surprise that the Chinese government showed strong opposition this time as well. Instances of cancellations of bilateral meetings and visits between the two countries, as well as a decline in coal exports have become a trend after such incidents. Correlation between the decline in Sino-Mongolian diplomatic relations after the Dalai Lama’s religious affairs in Mongolia continues to occur.
Budbileg Bayar, s second-year student at APU, from Mongolia, states her interest in the topic. “Buddhism is an integral part of our culture even to those who do not have faith. The influence of Buddhism is ingrained in some of the education that is seen in Mongolia today. Diplomatic relations between China and Mongolia determine a significant part of our economic stability, but I think to use that as a way to influence an aspect of our culture and religion can be quite concerning.”
Although tensions have deteriorated since, the religious affairs between Tibet and Mongolia continue to put a strain on Sino-Mongolian relations. It is vital to monitor the potential impact of diplomatic relations between China and Mongolia, as it can pose a threat to their stability.
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